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MORNING TALK: 'Tamu na Chungu' ya siku 600 za Rais Magufuli Madarakani.. Mbarawa 'moto' ampa CICO miezi 10,.. Sakata la TRUMP kublock watu 'twitter' lamuweka pabaya.. #share.. Lowasa asema 'nitarudi kwenye sanduku la kura 2020..'

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WAZIRI wa Ujenzi, Uchukuzi na Mawasiliano Profesa Makame Mbarawa amempa muda wa miezi kumi Mkandarasi wa Kampuni ya CICO anayejenga barabara ya Tabora-Sikonge yenye urefu wakilomita 30 kwa kiwango cha lami kukamilisha kazi hiyo.

Profesa Mbarawa ametoa muda huo mara baada ya kukagua maendeleo ya ujenzi wa barabara hiyo na kuelezea kutoridhishwa na kasi ya ujenzi wake.

“Nakupa miezi kumi tangu sasa hadi mwezi Mei mwakani uwe umeikabidhi Serikali barabara hii”, alisisitiza.

Aliongeza kuwa ukamilishaji wa barabara hiyo uendane na viwango na ubora vinavyoendana na thamani ya fedha waliyopewa ili barabara hiyo iweze kudumu kwa muda uliopangwa.

Kwa upande wake Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Tabora Mwalimu Queen Mlozi, amemshukuru Waziri Mbarawa kwa kuufuatilia kwa karibu mradi huo ambao utachochea kasi ya maendeleo mkoani humo.

Meneja wa Wakala wa Barabara Tanzania (TANROADS), mkoa wa Tabora, Mhandisi Damian Ndabalinze, amemhakikishia waziri kuwa atamsimamia mkandarasi huyo kikamilifu ili barabara hiyo ikamilike katika kipindi cha miezi kumi.

Pia, Waziri Mbarawa amekagua ujenzi wa barabara ya Tabora-Nyahua yenye urefu wa kilomita 85 na kumtaka mkandarasi CICO anayejenga barabara hiyo kukamilisha kilomita 6 zilizobaki ifikapo mwezi Oktoba mwaka huu.

Katika hatua nyingine, Profesa Mbarawa amempongeza Mkandarasi CHICO anayejenga barabara ya Kaliua-Kazilambwa yenye urefu wa kilomita 56 iliyokamilika kwa kiwango cha lami na kusisitiza wananchi kuilinda na kuitunza barabara hiyo kwa kutoiharibu miundombinu yake.

Aidha, ametoa nafasi nyingine kwa mkandarasi huyo kuomba kazi nyingine za ujenzi wa barabara katika maeneo mengine mbalimbali ya nchi kwani utendaji wao ni wa viwango na wanamaliza kwa wakati.

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Waziri Mkuu wa zamani, Edward Lowassa amesema licha ya changamoto nyingi anazokutana nazo ndani ya Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema), atagombea tena urais mwaka 2020. 

  Akizungumza katika mahojiano maalumu na waandishi wa Nation Media Group jijini Nairobi. “Kwa mapenzi ya Mungu nitajaribu tena mwaka 2020 na nitapita kwa mikono safi.
Wafuasi wangu walitaka tuingie mitaani kudai ushindi, lakini kulikuwa na bunduki nyingi mikononi mwa wanajeshi. Niliogopeshwa na umwagikaji wa damu. Sikutaka kuingia Ikulu kupitia damu za watu kwa sababu sistahili hivyo,” alisema Lowassa.

Hata hivyo Mhe. Lowassa alisema licha ya uchaguzi uliopita kutoaminika, bado anamheshimu Dkt John Pombe Magufuli kama Rais.
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Trump Blocked Me on Twitter and It’s Costing Me My Career



Most of my writing is about the Trump administration. In fact, my mandate from Pacific Standard is “Trump and the law.” On Twitter, the bulk of my recent follower growth and new relationships with others in the politico-legal sphere have come out of responding quickly when the president tweets and engaging the threads of conversation that flow from those tweets.
So when President Donald Trump blocked me in June, apparently for suggesting that Russia influenced the outcome of the 2016 election, he harmed me professionally. Even though I knew @realDonaldTrump was important to my career, it still took me at least a few days to recognize how being blocked by the president on Twitter would affect me as a public intellectual.
Twitter initially became a haven for me when I recognized it as a great equalizer in the media world. Washington DC, generally, and the world of writing and commentary, specifically, operate on networks and connections that many denizens inherit. Mine are hard won.
Not every tweet is a hit, but when I make a point pithily and it’s liked and retweeted by thousands of people, some of the people who agree with my point or like the way I make it follow me or reach out. And some of those people are editors, experts, and advocates who become employers, contributors, and collaborators.
Gone now is my ability to participate in the timeliest and most robust conversations around law, policy, and politics on Twitter—those around the president’s tweets. Taking part in these exchanges was an ideal way to stay current on not just facts, but new ideas. These threads make up the marketplace of ideas in which my peers and potential employers, colleagues, and audience are present and participating. I’ve been forced out and have no meaningful way to rejoin them.
I didn’t think being blocked on Twitter was a big deal at first. It’s just a button you can click, a way to mute an ex or tune out trolls’ attacks. But it turns out that when the person who blocks you is the president of the United States, it can matter quite a bit. Every day I’m blocked I lose opportunities to advance my views and engage others'—literally the reason a reader follows a writer’s work, the substance a publication pays a writer for—in these conversations. I can’t fire off a 140-word tweet, create a thread, or share pieces I write to drive discussion within these very conversations . That quick click I thought was so inconsequential is constraining my career in ways I have yet to fully appreciate.
Twitter also brought me to where I am today: Pursuing a lawsuit with others against President Trump for his decision to block us on Twitter. It was because I tweeted about being blocked that I eventually connected with the Knight First Amendment Institute and became involved in the legal effort.
When it comes to Twitter, I thought my fights would be confined to threads and direct messages. It never occurred to me that I’d end up in court. I can’t say I’m glad I have, but I am proud to stand up for the right to free speech, which is essential to not only to individual people—and entire professions—but democracy. Each day my appreciation grows for the magnitude of what I am part of. How I respond to being excluded from the president’s Twitter may be more important than anything I’ve ever said on Twitter.
Rebecca Buckwalter-Poza is a legal analyst, advocate, and author based in Washington DC.
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After six hundred days of President Magufuli, whose government is it anyway?

Dr John Pombe Magufuli completed about one third of his first term as president of the United Republic of Tanzania in early July 2017. Most in Tanzania would agree that it has been a frenetic period, with a lot of activity across a wide range of policy areas. So how is he doing? More particularly, how does his record on governance and transparency look?
Open season on corruption…
Start with the positive. At the top of this list is the President’s campaign to hold those suspected of corruption, tax evasion and other mismanagement to account. Over 200 public officials have been fired. More than 10,000 “ghost workers” were removed from the payroll. There has been a clampdown on civil servants with forged academic certificates, and investigations have been launched into alleged tax irregularities in the country’s ports and mining sectors.

A former head of Tanzania’s anti-corruption agency once reportedly described senior figures in Tanzanian business and politics as “untouchable”. Under President Magufuli, that has changed. Some very high-profile business leaders, including Harbinder Sethi and James Rugemalira who were charged in connection with the “Escrow” scandal in 2014, have found themselves in court, something the President’s predecessor did not achieve.

And public opinion reflects this. In 2015, 28% of citizens cited corruption as being among the top three problems facing Tanzania. Now, only 10% of citizens cite it among the top three. Citizens also report that they’re seeing improvements in health and education services. It remains too soon to corroborate this with hard evidence on health and learning outcomes, but it is not hard to believe that the President’s tough line on wrongdoing in public office has literally shocked many teachers, doctors and administrators into action.

The passage of the Access to Information Act in September 2016 has the potential to turn the constitutional (but theoretical) right to information into a daily practical reality. However regulations to implement this act have yet to be drafted, and there is no indication that citizens’ access to information has changed in practice.

…and on civic space in Tanzania?
A look at the other side of the presidential performance balance sheet highlights some serious concerns. At the top of this list is the President’s approach to democracy. Civic space has been evaporating under his leadership. The Cybercrimes Act, described previously by government as a means to clamp down on some very real problems with online security, has proved very different in practice with a series of aggressive prosecutions of citizens expressing their opinions on social media.

Several journalists and opposition politicians face sedition charges, opposition rallies remain banned, and Mawio newspaper was recently suspended from publication for two years under the new Media Services Act, which was supposed to bring media oversight in Tanzania into line with democratic principles. Even the new-found willingness of the authorities to take on powerful interests seems to have its limits: the President directed the media to refrain from linking former Presidents with the scandals that took place during their time in office – a transgression that earned Mawio its suspension.

Most recently, the President reversed his party’s campaign commitment to allow schoolgirls who become pregnant to return to school after giving birth. When civil society organisations objected against the discriminatory policy, they were threatened with deregistration by the Home Affairs minister.

The combination of fearless action against corruption and clampdown on civic space sends mixed signals. But a closer look reveals a broader narrative to all of this.

The anti-corruption agenda is sorely needed, but its execution is problematic when it overlooks due process and set aside the rights of anyone suspected of wrongdoing. Many have been denied a fair opportunity to defend themselves. Also it is impossible to achieve a lasting reduction in corruption while also closing down space for the media, civil society, opposition parties and even the National Audit Office. This gives the noble anti-corruption campaign an unfortunate anti-democratic flavour.

Citizens have long been frustrated with politicians who promise much but deliver little. They are irritated by obstacles that stand in the way of real accountability and good public services. They are upset that the country has harvested little of her considerable natural wealth. President Magufuli is capitalising on these sentiments by doing things in very different ways from his predecessors – cutting through the bureaucracy, confronting vested interests, appealing to patriotism, and clamping down on critics.

But process and institutions matter. In the past, it was common to hear the argument that Tanzania needed a dictator to put it on the proverbial straight and narrow. A year ago, I suggested that this type of paternalistic “Father Knows Best” posture may produce an initially popular benevolent authoritarianism in the short term. I also warned that without a deep sense of self-awareness and a healthy dose of moderation on the part of the President, it risked turning into bitter despotism.’ Back then, I was merely speculating and I hoped that reality would unfold differently, that life would not imitate art.

Looking back at the first third of President Magufuli’s first term, I am not so sure.
By  Aidan Eyakuze
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About Author Matukio360

Matukio360 ni sehemu pekee inayokuletea matukio ya moto moto kutoka pande zote za dunia katika wakati ule ule yalipotokea yaani mubashara. Habari ni za uhakika na zilizofanyiwa uchunguzi wa kina na kuandikwa kwa ueledi mkubwa na sio ukanjanja. Usibanduke katika ukurasa huu wa Matukio360, wajulishe na marafiki zako sasa wajipatie habari za uhakika.

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